Beyond Legal Bans: The Imperative of Community Engagement to End FGM

By Augusta Shahin, Esq. and Uduakobong Okon, Esq.

Introduction

Every year, on 6th February, the world marks the International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), a stark reminder of the millions of girls and women affected by this harmful practice. The theme for this year, “Stepping up the Pace: Strengthening Alliances and Building Movements to End FGM,” emphasises the urgent need for collaborative, community-driven approaches to eradicate FGM by 2030.

FGM is an extreme violation of human rights. It provides no health benefits and instead results in severe physical, psychological, and reproductive health complications. Although legal bans exist in many countries, they have not been sufficient in eliminating the practice. According to UNICEF (2024), nearly 4.4 million girls—over 12,000 each day—are at risk of undergoing FGM this year alone. Additionally, the United Nations estimates that 200 million women and girls worldwide have undergone some form of FGM before the age of 15.

This article will examine why existing legal frameworks have fallen short in stopping FGM and explore holistic solutions that combine stronger enforcement, grassroots activism, and community-driven interventions.

A. Laws Against FGM: What Exists?

FGM, also known as female genital cutting (FGC) or female circumcision, refers to the partial or total removal of external female genitalia for non-medical reasons. The World Health Organization (WHO) classifies FGM into four categories:

  • Type I (Clitoridectomy) – Partial or total removal of the clitoral glans.
  • Type II (Excision) – Removal of the clitoral glans and labia minora, with or without the labia majora.
  • Type III (Infibulation) – Narrowing of the vaginal opening by repositioning the labia.
  • Type IV – Other harmful procedures, including pricking, piercing, incising, scraping, and cauterisation.

Globally, international human rights laws recognise FGM as a violation of fundamental rights. Some key frameworks include:

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), 1979 – Calls for the elimination of harmful practices against women.
Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), 1989 – Mandates protection against all forms of violence.
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), 1966 – Protects individuals from torture and cruel treatment.
Maputo Protocol (2003) – A significant African treaty explicitly banning FGM.
United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 5.3 – Aims to eliminate all harmful practices, including FGM, by 2030.

In Nigeria, Edo State was the first to enact a law against FGM—the Edo State Female Circumcision (Prohibition) Law, 1999. This was followed by Cross River’s Girl-Child Marriages and Female Circumcision (Prohibition) Law (2000) and Ekiti State’s Female Circumcision (Prohibition) Law (2002). Several other states, including Lagos, Delta, Osun, and Ondo, have also criminalised the practice.

The most significant legal milestone was the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAPP), 2015, which explicitly criminalises FGM at the national level. As of November 2022, 34 out of Nigeria’s 36 states, along with the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), have domesticated the VAPP Act (Premium Times, 2022).

While laws are necessary, they do not automatically lead to cultural shifts. Several factors undermine the effectiveness of legal bans:

1. Slow Adoption and Weak Enforcement

Despite the widespread domestication of the VAPP Act, enforcement remains inconsistent. Many cases of FGM go unreported, and prosecutions are rare due to cultural resistance and weak judicial mechanisms.

Example: In Osun State, where FGM prevalence is 76.6%, law enforcement officers have received training on FGM, yet convictions remain low due to community silence and lack of reporting.

2. Lack of Public Awareness

Many individuals, including law enforcement officers and community members, do not know that FGM is illegal. A survey by the Society for the Improvement of Rural People (SIRP) in Enugu State found that:

❌ 95% of respondents had never heard of the VAPP Act.
✅ 90% supported its domestication once informed.

3. Cultural Resistance

FGM is entrenched in tradition. In many societies, it is considered a rite of passage or a prerequisite for marriage, making legal interventions alone insufficient.

Example: In Kenya, despite a strong legal framework, families cross into Tanzania and Uganda to have their daughters cut—highlighting the cross-border challenge of enforcement.

4. The Rise of Medicalised FGM

FGM is increasingly performed by healthcare professionals in private clinics. This creates a false perception of safety and makes legal enforcement more difficult.

Example: UNFPA (2023) reports that one in four cases of FGM is now medicalised, particularly in Egypt, Nigeria, and Sudan.

Beyond the Law: What More is Needed?

To end FGM, a holistic approach is essential, incorporating community engagement, education, and empowerment.

1. Community Engagement & Education

Solution: Work with traditional & religious leaders to shift cultural perceptions.
Success Story: In Senegal, the Tostan Program has helped over 9,000 communities abandon FGM by promoting human rights education and alternative rites of passage.

Solution: Conduct public awareness campaigns in local languages through radio, storytelling, and social media.

Success Story: In Ethiopia, radio programmes helped reduce FGM prevalence in some regions by over 30% (UNFPA, 2022).

2. Empowering Women & Girls

Solution: Education for girls – Keeping girls in school lowers FGM risk by reducing societal pressures.
Evidence: In The Gambia, FGM rates are significantly lower among girls with secondary education (UNICEF, 2021).

Solution: Alternative livelihoods for traditional cutters – Many practitioners depend on FGM for income.
Success Story: In Burkina Faso, former FGM practitioners were retrained as birth attendants and entrepreneurs.

3. Strengthening Law Enforcement & Reporting Mechanisms

Solution: Mandatory training for law enforcement & judiciary to improve prosecution rates.
Solution: Community-based reporting hotlines to provide survivors with anonymous ways to report FGM cases.
Success Story: In Burkina Faso, government-funded FGM hotlines led to over 1,000 arrests since 2018.

Solution: Regulation of medical professionals – Stronger penalties for doctors performing FGM.
Example: Egypt (2021) introduced strict penalties for medicalised FGM, leading to a sharp decline in cases.

Conclusion: A Holistic Approach to Ending FGM

Key Takeaways:
Laws alone will not end FGM – enforcement must be consistent and community-driven.
Education and cultural change are key – people abandon harmful traditions when they understand the risks.
Empowered girls and women can resist FGM – education & economic independence are crucial.

Ending FGM is not just a legal battle—it’s a fight for dignity, human rights, and the future of millions of girls worldwide. Will you be part of the change? #EndFGM #StopTheCut

Join our conversation on X space FGM and the
Law: Are Legal Bans Enough

The U.S. Withdrawal from WHO: A Crisis in Global Health Governance and the Legal Implications for Marginalised Women in Nigeria

At Lex Initiative for Rights, Advocacy and Development (LIRAD), we are deeply concerned about the ripple effects of President Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw the United States from the World Health Organization (WHO). While the immediate consequences of this withdrawal on global health systems have dominated headlines, less attention has been given to the legal and policy implications, especially for marginalised women in countries like Nigeria.

Our work at the Lex Initiative focuses on advocating for systemic legal and policy reforms that address the barriers faced by marginalised women with intersecting vulnerabilities. While we do not provide direct services, we engage in policy advocacy, legal analysis, and capacity-building to strengthen the frameworks that protect and empower these communities. The U.S. withdrawal from the WHO threatens to weaken global health governance, creating policy vacuums and undermining the very systems designed to safeguard vulnerable populations.

Global Health Governance at Risk

The WHO serves as a cornerstone of global health governance, setting international health standards and driving initiatives to address health inequities. Its guidance influences national policies in areas such as maternal health, mental health, and gender-based violence (GBV). The U.S. withdrawal not only diminishes the financial resources available to the WHO but also undermines its authority and ability to lead coordinated global health efforts. For Nigeria, this weakening of governance poses several challenges:

  1. Diminished Advocacy for Gender-Sensitive Health Policies
    The WHO has been a key advocate for integrating gender sensitivity into global health policies, influencing Nigeria’s commitments to issues such as sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). The loss of U.S. funding risks slowing progress on these fronts, creating legal and policy gaps that disproportionately harm marginalised women.
  2. Weakening of Legal Frameworks Addressing GBV
    Nigeria’s efforts to address GBV—through policies like the Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act—have been informed by international standards promoted by the WHO. A weakened WHO reduces the global pressure and resources needed to sustain and expand these frameworks, leaving survivors of GBV with fewer protections.
  3. Undermining of Mental Health Advocacy
    The WHO has played a pivotal role in bringing mental health to the forefront of global health priorities. Nigeria’s legal and policy landscape for mental health is still developing, with gaps that disproportionately affect marginalised women. Without strong global leadership, mental health risks being deprioritised in national policy discussions.
  4. Erosion of Accountability in Health Governance
    The WHO holds countries accountable for meeting global health standards, including commitments to equitable healthcare. A diminished WHO weakens this accountability mechanism, making it easier for governments to sideline health and gender equity issues in their policymaking.

At Lex Initiative, we recognise that strong legal and policy frameworks are essential for protecting the rights and dignity of marginalised women. The U.S. withdrawal from the WHO reinforces the urgency of our work in the following ways:

  1. Advocating for Policy Continuity and Reform
    We will continue to advocate for Nigeria to align its health and gender policies with international standards, regardless of shifts in global funding dynamics. This includes pushing for the full implementation of the VAPP Act, strengthening SRHR protections, and addressing gaps in mental health legislation.
  2. Amplifying the Voices of Marginalised Women
    Our advocacy efforts are grounded in the lived experiences of the women we serve. By amplifying their voices in national and regional policy discussions, we aim to ensure that their needs remain central to Nigeria’s health and legal agendas.
  3. Engaging Regional and International Advocacy Platforms
    The U.S. withdrawal underscores the importance of regional cooperation. We are committed to working with bodies such as ECOWAS and the African Union to sustain momentum on health and gender equity policies in Africa.
  4. Building Coalitions for Policy Advocacy
    Collaboration is key to driving systemic change. We aim to strengthen partnerships with other civil society organisations, policymakers, and international allies to advocate for sustainable and inclusive health and gender policies.

In light of these challenges, the following steps are crucial for safeguarding the rights and health of marginalised women in Nigeria:

  1. Push for Increased Domestic Funding for Healthcare
    Nigeria must prioritise domestic investment in healthcare to reduce reliance on external funding. This includes allocating resources to SRHR, GBV prevention, and mental health services, with a focus on marginalised populations.
  2. Advocate for Legal and Policy Reforms
    Civil society organisations must intensify advocacy for the adoption and implementation of gender-sensitive laws and policies. For example, fully implementing the VAPP Act nationwide and addressing legal gaps in mental health protection will be critical in the absence of strong global leadership.
  3. Engage in Regional Advocacy
    Regional bodies like ECOWAS and the African Union must take on a greater role in health and gender advocacy. By working with these bodies, Nigerian stakeholders can ensure that global health priorities remain on the regional agenda.
  4. Hold Policymakers Accountable
    Civil society must strengthen its role in monitoring government commitments to health and gender equity. Advocacy campaigns that highlight the impact of underfunded healthcare systems can pressure policymakers to take action.
  5. Promote Public Awareness and Participation
    Advocacy efforts must include public awareness campaigns to mobilise support for health and gender policies. Engaging communities and amplifying the voices of marginalised women will help build a grassroots movement for change.
  6. Foster International Partnerships
    While the U.S. withdrawal weakens global health governance, other international actors, such as the European Union and private foundations, remain committed to gender equity and health. Nigeria must strengthen its engagement with these partners to ensure continued support.
  7. Focus on Capacity Building
    Civil society organisations must invest in capacity building for legal and policy advocacy, ensuring that they have the tools and resources needed to influence systemic change.

Conclusion: A Call for Resilience and Solidarity

The U.S. withdrawal from the WHO is a wake-up call for Nigeria and other low-income countries. It highlights the fragility of global health governance and the need for local actors to take greater ownership of health and gender equity.

At Lex Initiative, we are committed to ensuring that marginalised women are not forgotten in the face of these challenges. Through advocacy, coalition-building, and policy reform, we will continue to fight for a Nigeria where every woman’s health and rights are protected.

However, we cannot do it alone. We need the collective effort of governments, civil society, and international allies to build a resilient and inclusive system that withstands global uncertainties. Together, we can ensure that marginalised women in Nigeria are not left behind.

Let this moment inspire action, not despair. The time to advocate for justice, equality, and dignity is now.

Signed,
Augusta Yaakugh-Shahin
Executive Director, Lex Initiative for Rights Advocacy and Development (LIRAD)

The Intersectionality of Corruption, Economic and Financial Crimes, and Marginalised Women in Nigeria

OPINION: The Intersectionality of Corruption, Economic and Financial Crimes, and Marginalised Women in Nigeria By Augusta Yaakugh, MCiArb.

In Nigeria, corruption, economic and financial crimes remain deeply rooted problems that have long eroded the foundations of justice, equality, and development. For many Nigerians, these issues have become a part of daily
life—almost an expected norm. Yet, for some, the stakes are even higher. Marginalised women in Nigeria, already facing numerous societal barriers, bear a disproportionate burden of the consequences of corruption and economic crimes. Their stories are not often heard, their struggles not often seen, but the impact on their lives is severe and must be addressed.

Marginalised Women: Who Are They?

When we speak of marginalised women, we refer to those who are pushed to the edges of society, often deprived of opportunities, basic rights, and access to services. These women include those living in poverty, women with
disabilities, female sex workers, women living with HIV, lesbian and bisexual women, and those who are simply vulnerable due to their socio-economic status or geography. Many of these women exist in informal sectors of the economy, such as street vending, small-scale farming, or domestic work. Others may find themselves caught in more precarious, even criminalized, livelihoods, such as drug trading or sex work, as a means of survival.

For these women, corruption is not just a political issue—it is a direct, daily obstacle to survival and dignity.

The Impact of Corruption on Marginalised Women

Corruption steals from everyone, but it steals the most from those who have the least. For marginalised women, the effects of corruption can be devastating, stripping them of access to the very services and protections they need to thrive.

In the healthcare system, for instance, corruption manifests in poor services, unaffordable medical fees, and bribes for treatment. Women who lack the means to pay these bribes may be denied essential healthcare, even during pregnancy or childbirth. For women living with HIV or those needing access to sexual and reproductive health services, this often translates to untreated illnesses, unwanted pregnancies, or even death. The bribes demanded in public hospitals mean life-threatening delays in care for women who cannot afford them, leaving many to suffer in silence.

Corruption also limits access to education for marginalised girls and women. In many rural or low-income areas, funds meant for public schools are syphoned off by corrupt officials, leaving classrooms without teachers, books, or basic infrastructure. Without a solid education, marginalised women are further locked out of economic opportunities, their chances of escaping poverty slim to none.

Moreover, government programs meant to uplift the most vulnerable women—microcredit schemes, poverty alleviation programs, business grants—often fail due to the same corrupt practices. These programs are designed to help marginalised women stand on their own feet. Yet, when corruption diverts resources into the hands of a few, those who need the help most remain excluded, unable to access the capital and training needed to start or expand their small businesses.

The Role of Economic and Financial Crimes

Economic crimes, particularly those committed by Nigeria’s elites, deepen this inequality. As vast sums of money are syphoned from public coffers and hidden in private accounts, the resources meant to build better schools, healthcare facilities, and social welfare systems disappear. The cost of living rises, but wages stagnate. The divide between the rich and the poor grows ever wider, leaving marginalised women at the very bottom of society’s economic ladder.

For women in the informal economy, the impact is direct. Women who run small businesses or engage in petty trading are often subjected to bribes and extortion from local authorities or police officers. In cases where these women are unable to pay, they are harassed, arrested, or pushed out of their means of livelihood altogether. For some, the only alternative is to engage in illegal activities—such as sex work or small-scale drug trading—simply to survive.

This cycle of criminalization does not end with arrest. Once marginalised women are entangled in the criminal justice system, corruption within law enforcement and the courts ensures they are further victimised. Bribes are demanded for bail, fair trials, or even basic legal representation. Many of these women lack the financial resources to pay, leaving them languishing in detention or sentenced for crimes that often stemmed from their economic desperation.

Through my work at the FeminaJustice Project, I have seen firsthand the heartbreaking cases of women remanded in prison for petty crimes—sex work, stealing food, or trying to make ends meet in an economy that offers them little support. Without funds to secure their freedom or legal representation, they are left to languish behind bars, further marginalised by ba system that is meant to protect them.

A Call for Empathy and Action

The intersectionality of corruption, economic crimes, and the plight of marginalised women in Nigeria reveals a system that is failing those who need it the most. These women, often invisible in the broader narratives of development or anti-corruption efforts, must be brought to the forefront of our conversations. We cannot speak of tackling corruption without addressing how it disproportionately affects the most vulnerable among us—women who are struggling not just for equality but for survival.

Empathy for these women begins with understanding the obstacles they face and the ways in which corruption and financial crimes limit their opportunities for justice, health, and economic empowerment. But empathy must also lead to action. We need reforms that specifically target the intersection of corruption and gender, ensuring that resources reach marginalised women, and that they are not left behind in the fight against poverty and inequality.

It is time to hold accountable those who exploit the weak and divert resources meant to uplift the poor. It is time to build systems that work for everyone, not just for the rich and powerful. And it is time for Nigeria to recognize that the true measure of its progress lies not in the wealth of its elites, but in the dignity, empowerment, and well-being of its most marginalised citizens—its women.

Augusta Yaakugh, MCiArb.
Executive Director, Lex Initiative for Rights Advocacy and Development (LIRAD)